The environment

Outreach services operate in a dynamic environment that changes on a daily basis. This requires a proactive approach to street outreach that interacts with, and responds to, this environment to best meet the needs of a client. Prompt referral into appropriate services requires careful understanding of each individual’s personal circumstances and the ability to adapt to them. Environment is not simply a reference to the physical surroundings of a client; it also encompasses the client’s individual circumstances that affect his/her life.

This page highlights the environmental considerations associated with rough sleeping and all statistics are taken from the Statistics about homelessness document by Crisis:

Rough sleeping – rough sleeping is an uncomfortable activity, finding a place to sleep that is safe and quiet is difficult. Adverse wet and cold weather can be a severe problem and extreme cold can lead to illness and even death. As a result, many rough sleepers use less exposed locations (e.g. car parks, buses, utility rooms, bin sheds, even A&E departments) that are sheltered from passers-by and the elements. In addition, rough sleepers will often use materials from the streets to insulate from the cold (and street surface) – including cardboard, newspaper and plastic to construct “bashes” (shelters).

Threat of violence – people living on the streets are vulnerable to attack; this threat can be from other street users and from those who are intoxicated through alcohol and/or drugs. Rough sleepers are 13 times more likely to experience crime and 47 times likely to be the victim of theft. Crime, and the perception of crime, can play a major role in the decisions of rough sleepers in not only where they sleep but also where they take part in daytime activities. Female rough sleepers are particularly vulnerable to physical attack and abuse, and to protect themselves they tend to be amongst the most hidden.

Movement towards cities to access services – homelessness support services tend to be denser in city areas and so act as a pull factor to those without accommodation in more suburban/rural areas. This can lead to people leaving established networks (e.g. friends, family) and becoming isolated or, seeking safety in numbers, may lead to engaging with destructive networks (e.g. crack houses, drinking schools). Knowledge of the support services available in an area may be limited if a person is in a new place and has not been accessed by outreach staff.

Networks – the network of people, places and services accessed by a rough sleeper is likely to have a significant bearing on his or her attitudes and actions. Involvement in networks that support or encourage a street lifestyle (such as drinking schools) can be a hindrance to engagement and moving off the streets. However, access to positive people, places and services can be beneficial in encouraging rough sleepers off the streets and into permanent forms of accommodation. Reconnections programmes encourage the movement for some back towards established social networks.

Alcohol and drugs – substance use can play a major part in the attitudes and perceptions of a rough sleeper. Drug and alcohol use can have a negative impact on both physical and mental health and may well affect an individual’s motivation to change a street-based lifestyle. Substance use can adversely affect how a rough sleeper interacts with his/her environment and, how and when he/she accesses and engages with support services.

Patterns of offending – for some, rough sleeping can be one result of offending behaviour, and many rough sleepers cite prison as their last abode, putting them in close contact with police and enforcement services. This interaction can be a negative one and alter the places where rough sleepers will spend their time (both during the day and night). Street drinking in no-alcohol zones can lead to arrest and local enforcement initiatives may move street drinkers away from positive networks they have accessed (e.g. hostels, counselling). Anti-social behaviour orders (ASBOs) issued by the courts can have a direct bearing on where a rough sleeper can be or place conditions on what they may possess or do (e.g. being drunk in a particular location). People subject to ASBOs may move around a lot and be difficult to trace, and so may reduce contact with support services.

Health – mental health problems are eight times more common in the homeless population; and may have precipitated the crisis that results in rough sleeping or may be exacerbated by rough sleeping. Identifying mental health problems may not be easy for the outreach worker; these problems may not be immediately evident but are likely to affect the perceptions of the rough sleeper. Sleeping rough also has significant physical effects and the average life expectancy of a rough sleeper is just 42 years. Health issues are likely to vary depending upon age and length of time on the streets, as being on the streets can rapidly exacerbate medical problems. Severe illness reduces the ability of rough sleepers to maintain their lifestyle and often changes their perception of their environment, which can lead to accessing support services.

Perceptions of the general public – rough sleepers are met with a mixture of emotions from the general public ranging from pity and support to anger and distrust. Residents and local businesses can be concerned about the impacts of visible rough sleeping on their quality of life and on their business. The reactions of the public contribute positively and negatively to the environment of a rough sleeper, and may well influence where a rough sleeper stays, and whether and when they access services.

Next: Models and approaches to street outreach